Canadian Confederation Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 3500 words

Canadian Confederation - Essay Example It extended from the Hudson Bay to the Gulf of Mexico and Newfoundland to the Rocky Mountains. When the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713 was passed, the region was broken up into five colonies, Canada, Hudson Bay, Acadia, Newfoundland and Louisiana. The War of 1812 established the setup of the 49th parallel to border the U.S.A. This line extended from the Great Lakes to the Rocky Mountains. Early on in Canada there were many arising conflicts within the colonies between upper and Lower Canada. These conflicts were between the liberals and the Family compact of Upper Canada who were identified as being rabidly conservative. The financial problems that would develop in Upper Canada would eventually lead to what would become known as the Rebellions of 1837. These rebellions would call for Lord Durham to travel from Britain to assess the problem. It wasn't until after the Rebellions of 1837, a succession of Canadian uprisings that happened between 1837 and 1838, that one would propose that the Canadian colonies be made into one province. It was Lord Durham, and he would convince the British Parliament to pass the Act of Union 1840 Ironically, the main opposition to the Confederation of Canada was not from the British Empire but from within Canada from what was identified as the liberal party at the time. In his article, "Toryism, Classical Liberalism, and Capitalism: The Politics of Taxation nd the Struggle for Canadian Confederation" Andrew Smith argues that the issue of taxation was a major conflict in the struggle to form the Confederation among the four original Canadian provinces (Smith, 2008). "Ajzenstat, Smith, and McKay are mistaken about the ideological nature of Confederation. It is far more accurate to describe 1867 as the birth of a 'Tory-interventionist order' in Canada than of a liberal one (Smith, 2008)." He goes on to point out how the main supporters of classical liberal values, free trade, and low taxes were all Anti-Confederates, and the Confederation supporters were more about economic development. He notes that, "In the 1860s, virtually all British North American politicians believed that some form of capitalist society was desirable. Confederation, however, was supported by spokesmen of a particular vision of capitalism that involved extensive state assistance to private business. The opponents of Confederation were neither more nor less pro-capitalist than their opponents. However, they generally supported a less statist variant of capitalism, one in which taxes were kept as low as possible and businesses survived without subsidies (Smith, 2008)." Toryism represented the conservative following in Canada, where as the traditional liberalism of Canada was identified with a 'deep distrust of government' specifically distant governments (Smith, 2008). The classic liberals came to oppose the Confederation when it became very clear in the Quebec Resolutions that the country was moving towards giving Quebec a greater role in economy. In an article published in the March 1865 issue of the Oxford Academic, writer Goldwin Smith who was well known to be a classic liberal, condemned the economic ideas behind the Confederation project. Smith argued that, "by adopting the interventionist philosophy of Alexander Hamilton, the framers of the Quebec Resolutions were forgetting that the relative importance of state initiatives decreases 'while those of voluntary action and spontaneous action

Dissent about nuclear safety Case Study Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Dissent about nuclear safety - Case Study Example The performance of the heat exchangers is substandard, but the loss of one can lead to heat exchange problems in future. Alison is well aware of this fact and also of another reality that continued operation of both heat exchangers can cost her company millions of dollars. But, going along with the JCO means that Alison does something which does not maximize utility in an even manner and which is also worthy of punishment because problems are anticipated despite good intentions to save the company. When the time to vote arrives, Alison should not vote in favour of the JCO for the same reasons expressed already in this discussion. It would not be wrong for her to cast a dissenting vote even if future calculations show that using a single heat exchanger does not cause any heat exchange problems for two reasons. First, outcomes of an act matter the most and second, intellectual pleasure which would result from safe outcomes supersedes physical pleasure which members of PNSRC would exper ience from cost

Corporate Governance Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words - 2

Corporate Governance - Essay Example The Agency theory comes into place when the conflict of interest takes place between the principal (shareholders) and the agent (management of the organisation) and affects the corporate governance of the organisation. Agency theory presumes both the principal and the agent are encouraged by self-interest. This assumption of self-interest condemns agency theory to unavoidable intrinsic disagreement.   Therefore, if both revelries are enthused by self-interest, managements are likely to follow self-interested intentions that diverge and even clash with the purpose of the principal.   Thus, agents are expected to act in the sole interest of their principals (Saltaji, 2013). To resolve the corporate governance crisis, agency theory advocates a self-governing board arrangement and the application of equity-based reward for higher managements. This study helps to examine the degree to which agency theory proposals help to resolute the corporate governance issues. Corporate governance is the set of procedures, behaviours, guidelines, commandments and institutions distressing the way a conglomerate (or company) is directed and controlled. Corporate governance also comprises of the associations amongst the many stakeholders concerned and the objectives for which the company is administered (Larcker, Richardson and Tuna, 2007). In present-day business organisations, the chief external stakeholders are shareholders, debtors, trade creditors, trader, clientele and societies affected by the organisations performance. Internal stakeholders are the board of directors, management, executives and other employees (Bebchuk, Cohen and Ferrell, 2009). There are many diverse representation of corporate governance around the globe. These diverge according to the diversity of free and private enterprises in which they are embedded. The Anglo-American "model" tends to highlight the security and welfare of the shareholders (Denis

Dissent about nuclear safety Case Study Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Dissent about nuclear safety - Case Study Example The performance of the heat exchangers is substandard, but the loss of one can lead to heat exchange problems in future. Alison is well aware of this fact and also of another reality that continued operation of both heat exchangers can cost her company millions of dollars. But, going along with the JCO means that Alison does something which does not maximize utility in an even manner and which is also worthy of punishment because problems are anticipated despite good intentions to save the company. When the time to vote arrives, Alison should not vote in favour of the JCO for the same reasons expressed already in this discussion. It would not be wrong for her to cast a dissenting vote even if future calculations show that using a single heat exchanger does not cause any heat exchange problems for two reasons. First, outcomes of an act matter the most and second, intellectual pleasure which would result from safe outcomes supersedes physical pleasure which members of PNSRC would exper ience from cost

Chinese Foreign Policy & National Security Essay Example for Free

Chinese Foreign Policy National Security Essay The China-South Korea axis is perhaps the most overlooked variable in the strategic environment of Northeast Asia. For nearly five decades their relationship was characterized by war, lack of dialogue and non-recognition; then, over a period of some three years, this situation gave away to fully normalized and amiable relations in 1992. Rapprochement between Seoul and Beijing in 1992 opened one of the first frontiers of the post-Cold War thaw in the region, and future security will hinge at least partly on this core relationship. In this context, Cha analyzes the evolution of Sino-South Korean reconciliation, and argues that the South Koreas engagement policy from the late 1980s in the political, economic, and cultural arenas played a major part in eliciting unprecedented cooperation from Beijing, however, its initiatives alone were not a sufficient condition to prompt this cooperation. A prior and necessary condition was a change in the strategic context surrounding China and the Korean Peninsula that raised both the benefits of cooperation and the costs of non-cooperation; the end of Cold War . In the context of security environment in Northeast Asia, South Koreas success in engaging China has implications for future security on the Korean Peninsula. On balance, the axis is a stabilizing factor but not without its share of future challenges. With this in mind, the key questions of the article include: (1) How does one explain the growth of cooperation between China and South Korea? (2) To what extent has Sino-ROK rapprochement been the result of successful strategies on the part of South Korea to engage China? (3) What are the implications on North Korea? For a quarter-century after the Korean War, Sino-South Korean relations sat at the intersection of the global East-West conflict and the Sino-Soviet split, making any hint of cooperation impossible.1 However, since the middle 1980s, Sino-South Korean relationship has moved from being sworn enemies and opposed combatants in the Korean War, to being potential economic partners (but still strategic adversaries), and fully normalized diplomatic relations in 1992. Three key drivers propelled the change in the relationship: (1) the transformation of strategic environment concomitant to the end of Cold War, which established the baseline for post-war interaction. In this context, Sino-Soviet reconciliation was a significant factor in Chinese calculations to normalize with Seoul. In particular, the end of Sino-Soviet rivalry reduced in Chinese minds the strategic consequences of losing North Korea to Moscow, and made opening to South Korea more feasible. Furthermore, in South Koreas view, China had evolved from being a revisionist power to being a status quo one, in the degree to which Beijing emphasized unification or peace maintenance as the security priority for the Peninsula. Unification was associated with Chinas revolutionary power and support for North Korea to overthrow the South the essence of Chinas one Korea policy of the Cold War. On the other hand, peace maintenance implied stability outcome for Korea by recognizing South Korea and opposing provocative acts by the North which might upset the unstable peace on the Peninsula. (2) Domestic change in China concomitant to Deng Xiaopings modernization reforms, and subsequent separation of politics from economics. The initial economic trade was largely indirect, transacted through third-party intermediaries or South Korean trading firms in Hong Kong. By 1985, however, total Chinese-South Korea trade surpassed that between China and North Korea. During the 1980s, while the two sides still viewed one another as military adversaries, they increasingly recognized each other as economic opportunities. The beginnings of a diplomatic relationship also emerged in the 1990s with the establishment of trade offices between the Korea Trade Promotion Association (KOTRA) and the Chinese Chamber of Commerce in 1990, which facilitated shift from indirect trade to open and direct transactions, and subsequently in establishing formal diplomatic relations in August 1992. (3) South Koreas conscious policy of engagement to elicit cooperation from China, in particular using non-punitive, non-coercive diplomacy and seeking mutual accommodation. South Koreas engagement strategy contained the following tiers: first, economic linkages, investment and trade ties to increase the benefits to China of cooperation, and the costs of non-cooperation, providing foreign capital and technology, separating political cooperation with economics, but gradually produce cooperative behavior in other arenas. The growth of trade ties in the 1980s was a major reason why China chose to participate in the 1986 Asian Games and the 1988 Olympics hosted by South Korea, which served as key event to normalize relations. Second tenet of South Koreas engagement strategy was to treat the opposing states perspectives as legitimate per se. This meant engaging Chinas divergent position into official dialogues on the proposals for enhancing peace and stability in the region such as the Four-Party talks, and more importantly South Koreas recognition of One China Policy, acknowledging Beijing as the only legal government in China. These initiatives at the diplomatic front were followed by general increase in communication flows on the business, educational, and cultural levels to cultivate goodwill. In this context, South Koreas engagement strategy included the following goals: (1) cultivate Beijings cooperation by tying Chinese national interests to stability on the Peninsula; (2) improve South Koreas credibility in the international arena by enhancing its image as a regional player willing to reduce tensions and foster dialogue; and (3) engage North Korea through alternative channels. In order to pursue these goals, South Korea utilized the following means: in the macro-political perspective, the strategy of engagement of China was pursued through the policy of Nordpolitik and Globalization (segyehwa) which implied mutual economic prosperity as a means of expanding diplomatic ties with former adversaries as well as assuming a leading role for South Korea in international organizations and the continued expansion of program multi-directional diplomacy (i.e. using meetings of multilateral bodies such as APEC, ASEAN, non-governmental track-two diplomacy, high-level military excha nges). The second method of engagement has been sports diplomacy participating in athletic competitions hosted by each country provided a useful means by to express good will and interest in expanding the economic cooperation (Seoul 1988 Olympics, Beijing Asian Games 1990). What was the benchmark of success of South Koreas engagement strategy? The key was not only engaging China, but also the terms of policy toward North Korea. The following measure could be used: (A) Failure Chinese support of North Korea (B) Minimal Success 1.5 Korea policy; formal support of North Korea and de-facto recognition of South Korea (C) Moderate Success equidistance between North and South Korea (D) Very Successful discourage North Korean provocation and aggression (E) Most Successful China supports only South Korea Cha argues that the outcome of South Koreas engagement falls in the middle range (B to D). For example, Chinese behavior on the North Korean nuclear issue in 1993-94, when Beijing sided with the US and South Korea on many aspects (such as opposing North Korea to renege Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and abide to non-nuclear Peninsula), however, at the same time Beijing expressed strong opposition against any acts of coercion against the North. It persistently pressed for dialogue and negotiona as the only acceptable means of settling the dispute, and opposed any U.S. led sanctions thought the UN Security Council. A more successful outcome was the redefined Chinese behavior on UN admission of the two Koreas in 1991, in which Chinese accepted dual membership of the two Koreas in the UN. Arguing that South Korean engagement of China has been sustained, comprehensive and moderately successful, the next question is how this new relationship will affect security on the Korean Peninsula and throughout the broader region? Salient issues include the impact of the Asian financial crisis, the dynamics of second U.S.-North Korea nuclear crisis, the effect of Bejing-Seoul dà ¯Ã‚ ¿Ã‚ ½tente on South Koreas alliance with Washington, and the future challenges that could be posed by Korean unification. (1) The impact of the Asian Financial Crisis didnt affect China-South Korean relations thus far. In-fact, in 2003 China has surpassed the U.S. as South Koreas largest trading partner (2) Sino-South Korean relations have important implications in understanding current relations between North and South Korea. Under Kim Dae Jung, South Korea initiated Sunshine Policy that rests on Seouls assurances of no-isolation, no destabilization, and no absorption. The Sunshine Policy is in many ways similar to the engagement strategy toward China, both in form and potential success. In particular, it is consistent (despite Norths provocations) and designed to elicit cooperation from the opposing state. However, there are also differences- regarding intentions; for cooperation to emerge, the opposing state has to be engageable. North Koreas behavior does not suggest she is open to an improvement of relations. Second, there are differences in South Koreas capabilities of early 1990s and late 1990s, in particular, in the early 1990s South Korea that engaged China did so from a position of relative strength and prosperity; however, in the late 1990s, the Asian financial crisis put South Korean position to a relative weakness., because conciliatory gestures are more likely to be interpreted as appeasement rather than engagement. Hence success to engagement of North Korea is not likely. (3) Looking beyond the immediate North Korean nuclear problem, Korean unification raises a plethora of new factors that would test the resilience of China-South Korea engagement. The absence of the North Korean buffer would give rise to a situation in which two powers with different regimes share a contiguous border. Another future challenges is on the economic front the rising China may hange its trade needs and increase competition with Korea. A final potential conflict between a united Korea and China centers on nationalism, and the two-million ethnic Korean living in Chinese Jilin province, which a unified Korea might claim. In the final analysis, the dramatic transformation of Chin-South Korean relations in the 1990s represents the most successful case of engaging China in East Asia. The lessons stemming from this engagement include: (1) consistency- a policy can only be successful if it is applied consistently and deliberately, (2) engagement requires will and domestic political support to sustain the policy even in the face of little reciprocity by the other state; (3) engagement applied from a position of strength conveys credibility, but applied from a position of weakness connotes appeasement. For the foreseeable future, the burden of managing the confrontation on the Korean Peninsula falls even more on the new China-South Korea dà ¯Ã‚ ¿Ã‚ ½tente and the continuing U.S.-South Korea Alliance. My Observation: Victor Cha offers a plausible analysis of the South Koreas engagement strategy and the factors that have significantly improved Sino-South Korean relations, nonetheless, I would argue that he underestimated the historical factors that bind China and South Korea together, which might have accelerated the rapprochement on both sides. Traditionally, Korea has fallen under the Chinese sphere of influence, with Korea belonging to the first-tier state of the Sino-centered worldview. In this context, another traditional binding element is the continuing anti-Japanese sentiments and mistrust in both Koreas and China that target Japanese sense of irresponsibility and demand apology for its war atrocities. Taken together, I would argue that these factors also facilitated the relatively rapid transformation of the relations, on a personal level between Korean and Chinese officials. In the context of enhancing peace and security on the Korean Peninsula, positive Sino-South Korean relations certainly play an important role. Both states are aware of this factor, and share similar interests. However, Beijing seems to be in a dilemma, it desperately does not want to face a collapse of North Korea nor does it want to see a nuclear North Korea. Hence, Chinas actions in the foreign policy arena are still bound to the minimum necessary level to ensure stability. Ironically, while the Chinese officials have been claiming that they are making efforts to persuade North Korea to enter multilateral dialogue and negotiation, they also claim that North Korea doesnt listen as it used to. In this regard, my question is: How much leverage does China have over North Korea? 🙂 1 From the ROK perspective, during the Cold War China was part of the communist bloc, a patron of revolutionary regimes in Asia, and thus one of the primary threats to South Koreas survival. Chinas intervention in the Korean War in 1950, in conjunction with the July 1961 Friendship Treaty between China and North Korea with its automatic intervention clause cemented South Koreas perceptions of China as a threat. At the same time, Chinas hostility toward South Korea was equally intense. South Korea was the fascist axis of the iron triangle that included U.S. imperialism, and Japanese militarism.

Terrorism Is Violence Problem Criminology Essay

Terrorism Is Violence Problem Criminology Essay Terrorism means use of force and threats against a person, groups or governments for political or other purposes. Terrorism is not a modern activity; hundred of years ago societies were not as organized as they are today with modern facilities of roads, telephones, and regular police force and so on. Then head of strong groups of people, robbers warriors made use of force and threats to life and property to get their aims. Now terrorism itself is quite an organized activity. There are terrorist organizations or societies which train terrorist for their purposes. Sometimes these organizations are supported by foreign governments and huge funds and modern weapons are easily provided to them. A regular terrorist organization usually works against the government. It tries to demolish key government buildings offices and public places like railway stations and airports with bomb and destructive weapons. It kills people and destroys property in crowed places like market centers, bus stands and railway stations. This set the people against the government and causes public demonstrations. The bomb blast and the resulting deaths and destruction in different parts of our country is an example of such terrorism. A terrorist organization operating in a country usually gets money and weapons from local as well as foreign countries. It also joins hands with forceful groups or parties opposed to the government inside the country. Nations or big countries with in a country use terrorist methods to gain greater freedom or independence. Thus the skills in India have been committing acts of terrorism to achieve self-rules in the Punjab. The Irish people in north Ireland have been terrorizing the British government to force it to grant them independence. There are internal or international terrorists who actively hijack planes or kidnap important or rich persons. They demand huge amount of money for the release of prisoners or some political concessions for the return of the airplanes, passengers or kidnapped persons kidnapping have been quite common in our country. Terrorism needs to be checked very carefully and the government should force all the people illegally present in the country to leave. It should force the refugees to remain in their camps all the time. It should make arrangements to step the illegal flow of arms and money into the country from abroad. It should have really effective secret service which can report all kinds of terrorist plans. Other steps for checking terrorism take the use of the police or the army on a large scale can be discussed in newspapers, on the radio and TV and in the elected assemblies. According to Globally Accepted Definition of Terrorism: Acts committed with the aim of seriously intimidating a population, forcing a government or international organization to abstain from performing any act, or seriously destabilizing or destroying the fundamental political, constitutional, economic or social structures of country or an international organization. In the 21st century, terrorism went through many big changes or great change because of modernization new technologies. Todays world terrorism exists with many different causes purposes. Terrorism is used to create conflicts between different peoples, groups, countries sometimes it is used in religious disagreements. In the 21st century, terrorism becomes more deadly than previous centuries. Todays terrorists use many new techniques such as suicidal attacks, remote control bombs, automatic pistols rifles, rocket launchers etc. these can result thousands of innocent peoples being killed or injured. In Pakistan everyday people were dying because of no reason that is the reason of fear, scare which are include in everyones mind. Many peoples said about terrorism that is: According to Thomas Hobbes, who in 1651 described human life in the following Words: No arts; no letters; no society; and which is the worst of all, continual fear and danger of violent death, and the life of man, solitary, poor, nasty, brutish and short According to Malik (2001: 88), Attempts to incorporate all the many manifestations of terrorism within a single definition were doomed from the start. The term terrorism has been applied across the whole spectrum of political violence, and over the centuries of history. It has been applied to times of war and of peace; to the actions of states, groups and individuals; to actions against liberal states and to actions against repressive states and dictatorships Some articles which are related to terrorism are: According to Friedland and Merari (1998: 591), Political terrorism is a sophisticated form of psychological warfare which aims to accomplish political ends by bearing on individuals emotions and attitudes. This article presents the results of a public opinion survey, conducted on an Israeli national sample, which was designed to evaluate the psychological impacts of terroristic activity and the basic assumptions that guide it. The results indicate that terrorism is highly effective in inducing fear and worry, even when the actual damage it causes is moderate. However, terrorism appears to have failed to produce the attitudinal change desired by its perpetrators, the high levels of fear notwithstanding. On the contrary, terrorism caused a hardening of attitudes, strong opposition to any form of political reconciliation with terrorists, and widespread support for extreme counterterrorist measures. Terrorism, in other words, proved to be counterproductive. These results provided a basis for an extensive analysis of the conditions that turn terrorism into a potentially effective tool of political influence, and those in which it is likely to fail According to Berholz (2006: 221), Terrorism is becoming a weapon of ever increasing importance to reach certain ends, given the potential of mass destruction available to leading international powers and the rise of one superpower dominating the international system. In most cases terrorism is driven by an ideology comprising a world view with supreme values. Since these values are absolutely true to believers, they have to be preferred to everything, so that terrorists are required to sacrifice not only the lives of others but also their own. It is therefore difficult to prevent this kind of terrorism. But the threatening damages can be mitigated by economic, technological and political decentralization. In the long run, it is even more important to win the spiritual fight. This can be done by starting from the fact that believers in ideologies whose supreme values are conflicting, can only live together peacefully, if they accept that each individual has the right to choose his or her own belief. A corresponding education has to prevent fundamentalist instruction and to inculcate the basic rules of a free society According to Crain and Crain (2006: 317), In this paper we estimate the macroeconomic consequences of terrorism using panel data for 147 countries for the period 1968-2002. The results reveal that the potential gains to a country from reducing terrorism are quite large, although the specific estimates depend on a countrys population, base level of output, and investment. We present estimates of the impact of terrorism on GDP, GDP growth, investment, consumer spending, and tourism. These estimates of the marginal impact of terrorism provide a threshold against which a countrys expenditures on anti-terrorism can be weighed According to Victoroff (2005: 3), This article reviews the state of the art of available theories and data regarding the psychology of terrorism. Data and theoretical material were gathered from the worlds unclassified literature. Multiple theories and some demographic data have been published, but very few controlled empirical studies have been conducted investigating the psychological bases of terrorism. The field is largely characterized by theoretical speculation based on subjective interpretation of anecdotal observations. Moreover, most studies and theories fail to take into account the great heterogeneity of terrorists. Many practical, conceptual, and psychological barriers have slowed progress in this important field. Nonetheless, even at this early stage of terrorism studies, preliminary reports suggest that modifiable social and psychological factors contribute to the genesis of the terrorist mind-set. Psychological scholarship could possibly mitigate the risk of catastroph ic attack by initiating the long overdue scientific study of terrorist mentalities According to Coady (2004: 37), There are different kinds of terrorism as there are of war. It is unpersuasive to make the deliberate targeting of civilians a defining feature of terrorism, and states as well as non-state groups can engage in terrorism. In a democracy, voters responsible for a governments unjustifiable policies are not necessarily innocent, while conscripts are legitimate targets. Rather than being uniquely atrocious, terrorism most resembles small war. It is not always or necessarily more morally unjustifiable than war. All war should be avoided, but some war is more unjustifiable than other war. Comparable judgments should be made about terrorism. It is appropriate to compare civilians killed by those seeking political change and those using violence to prevent such change. Sometimes the debate should focus on the justifiability or lack of it of the aims sought. While violence should always be used as little as possible, those in power are responsible for making oth er means than violence effective in achieving justifiable political change. When considering the likely causes of violence, one that has received inadequate attention is humiliation. Humiliation is not the same as shame. Causing humiliation can and should be avoided

A Methodology to Teaching Writing Essay example -- Education Education

A Methodology to Teaching Writing I believe that achieving success in teaching very different aspects of life may still combine similar processes. My life in high school was very similar to the lives of many other students in that it revolved around two things: sports and school. My sport of choice was tennis and my favorite academic area was English. Unexpectedly, I found many similarities led to a successful performance in both areas. My understanding of the need for a good program to follow and a lot of practice with it led to success in both tennis and my academic performance (especially English). Upon becoming a recognized player in my area, I decided to take the skill that I knew better than any other and utilize it as a job; I was a tennis coach. Success in that field, teaching mainly high school students, has led me to believe I can adopt a similar program for success in the classroom. Just as I had to learn an effective way to teach others the tennis skills that I had learned, I will also have to be a ble to adjust my philosophy inside a classroom. My outline for successful teaching of writing combines what I have put into practice working with high school students in a sports forum with what I am learning is the best way to approach a writing classroom. When a high school student first takes a tennis lesson from me, that student is very often an inexperienced freshman just months away from their first tryout. On that first day I must be very clear and very encouraging in my instructions because of the nervousness of the player. By the first lesson I am aware of what level of ability I am working with, and can make adjustments from there. For student writers, the process can be similar. The writer may ... ...o accomplish. A supportive process is more likely to breed success. Students will have different styles, hidden talents, and unique creative processes. Some will love to write and bring these elements out on their own. Others need special prompting. Ultimately I feel that students will always have something to say. Each person has elements of their lives’ that they enjoy, and those are subjects for writing. Each individual has elements that bring them pain, frustration or sadness, and those are subjects for writing too. Getting kids to want to write is not necessarily outlined in my process, and that will be a challenge that I will have to learn even as I teach. I think the key to successful motivation will be to spark the ideas that motivate a student. Maybe even more important is that if that spark is hard to find, not to give up, but to keep seeking it.